Madras Day; flashback - I; The Fight for Madras

From The Hindu

Chennai or Madras originates from Fort St. George, built on land that was leased by the East India Company on August 22, 1639 — now celebrated as Madras Day. On this occasion, we step back from neighbourhoods and streets, and take a look at the city as a whole — its past, present and future

About 70 years ago, Chennai or Madras as it was earlier known faced anxious moments when Telugu-speaking citizens demanded the city as theirs and wanted it to be the capital of their future state. The demand in itself was not problematic, but the solutions proposed to solve the dispute between Tamil and Telugu-speaking citizens over the future of the city were. 

The city came close to being split into two along River Cooum – the northern part assigned to Andhra and the southern to Tamil Nadu. However, a combination of factors settled the issue in Tamil Nadu’s favour. This not only saved the traumatic partition, but also avoided two other equally vexatious possibilities: declare Madras as a plebiscite or a centrally administered province. As the city celebrates its past, it would be worthwhile to recall how the city survived its testing moments and retained its cosmopolitan nature.

Madras was a presidency town – the largest colonial city in south India with Telugus, Tamils, Kannadigas and Malayalees all living here. As the struggle for independence intensified, the formation of States on linguistic principles became imminent. Telugus were among the first to raise the demand for the need of a separate province. As early as 1912, Telugu leaders and newspapers started to complain that the ‘progress of Dravidians overshadowed’ that of the Andhras (Telugu speaking) and the creation of a separate province would ‘cure this handicap.’   However, they did not step up the demand immediately, but wanted to do so only after independence. Until then, they decided to keep the issue alive. In the initial years, the status of Madras city was not a central issue. The situation changed in the 1940s. An intriguing tale in November, 1941 brought the city of Madras to centre stage.

Mr.  T. Prakasam, the Congress leader, who later became the first Chief Minister of Andhra told the Mahasabha conference in Vishakapatanam that the cabinet of the Madras Province had met a few months ago to discuss the formation of Andhra province. They invited Lord Erskine, the Governor, to attend the meeting as a matter of goodwill. Erskine suggested that both provinces — Andhra and Madras — be located in the city. Everyone including the Tamil Ministers agreed to this idea, Prakasam claimed.  Prakasam then alleged that an ‘evil genius in the cabinet’ poisoned Erskine’s mind later and made him write a letter to the Secretary of State against the move. Prakasam refused to divulge the name of the ‘evil genius’ but told the gathering that Erskine cautioned the British government that ‘blood would flow in the streets of Madras’ if Andhra was formed. 

Remarks by Mr. O.P. Ramaswamy Reddiar, the premier of Madras province in September, 1947 complicated matters. He told a group of press persons that if Andhra claimed Madras then Tamils would claim Nellore, Chittor and Tirupati in return. Positions hardened and Telugu leaders demanded that the government settle the future of the city first. For their part, Tamil writers and leaders aggressively opposed Andhra’s claim over Madras. Notable writer Mr. Kalki Krishnamuthi remarked that the Tamils and Telugus had turned ‘strange brothers’ and the city had greater contact with Tamilians than with Telugus.  Rajaji dismissed the claim over Madras as untenable and citied population figures in support.

A solution was in sight in 1949. The Indian National Congress set a three-member committee comprising Nehru, Patel and Pattabi Sitaramiah to look into linguistic provinces. The committee report — known as the JVP report — recommended the formation of Andhra province but concluded that Madras would not be part of it. With Nehru and Patel involved, many thought the JVP report would be accepted. On the contrary, the fight over Madras escalated.

While the JVP’s position pleased Tamil leaders, the Telugus agitated. Mr. Sitaramiah, who was a signatory to the report tried to clarify that though the JVP report said Madras could not be part of Andhra, it did not specify that it should be part of the Tamil province. The city should be a centrally administered area, he demanded.  Matters came to a flash point in 1952 when Mr. Potti Sreeramulu, a Gandhian who was fasting for an Andhra province and the inclusion of Madras, died.  Sreeramulu, was born in Madras.

He quit his well-paying job in the Railways in 1930 to join Gandhi in his Sabarmati ashram. Later, after independence, he took up social work. On October 19, 1952, Sreeramulu decided to indefinitely fast in support of the Andhra issue. His fast neither altered the position of the national Congress or the Madras government.  After 51 days, Sreeramulu died. His death sparked violent protests across Telugu-speaking areas of the Presidency. Nehru appealed for calm and assured people that the issue would be settled soon.

Following this, in January 1953, the government appointed Justice Wanchoo to look into the formation of the Andhra province. The Wanchoo committee identified boundaries of the new State, but concluded that Madras could be the temporary capital for three to five years. If that was not possible, until a permanent city was found, Guntur or Vishakapttanam could the temporary capital, the committee suggested.

This was not acceptable to Rajaji and other Tamil leaders.  Finally, in December 1953, Nehru announced that Madras would not be the temporary capital. In October 1954, the Andhra province was formed with Kurnool as its temporary capital.

Mr. V. Kaleeswara Ro, the vice-president of the Andhra Pradesh Congress committee was practical. He told other Telugu leaders that they should now work ‘increasingly with the Karnataka brethren for the disintegration of Hyderabad State’ and combine the Telugu-speaking areas with Andhra. This way, Andhra could get the twin city of Hyderabad and Secunderabad as its permanent capital. He was right. After two years, a larger Andhra Pradesh with Hyderabad as its capital emerged.  Madras remained with Tamil Nadu.

Road accident deaths in India: Tamil Nadu leads

            As many as 1,39,091 persons lost their lives in 4,40,042 road accidents in the country last year. According to statistics released by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), 1,18,533 of the victims were male. They include 11,571 pedestrians. The 28 States together accounted for 1,36,771 deaths and the seven Union Territories for the remaining.

Tamil Nadu tops the list of with 16,175 deaths in 67,757 accidents, followed by Uttar Pradesh with 15,109 deaths in 24,478 accidents. Andhra Pradesh is third with 14,966 deaths in 39,344 accidents and Maharashtra fourth with 13,936 deaths in 45,247 accidents. The Capital city of Delhi accounts for 1,866 deaths in 6,937 accidents. The UT of Lakshadweep is the only administrative division where no road accidents have taken place. It has 9,000 registered vehicles as on December 31, 2012.

#	State/UT	No of accidents	No of deaths
1	Tamil Nadu	67, 757	16, 175
2	Uttar Pradesh	24, 478	15, 109
3	Andhra Pradesh	39, 344	14, 966
4	Maharashtra	45, 247	13, 936

Accidents involving two wheelers accounted for the largest number of deaths — 32,318 or 23.2 per cent — followed by lorries — 26,678 (19.2%). Bicycles accounted for 3069 deaths.

The death toll in 2012 is 2,257 more than in 2011 — an increase of 1.6%. In 2011 too, Tamil Nadu led the country with 15,422 deaths in 65,873 accidents. Andhra Pradesh was second that year with 15,158 deaths in 41,066 accidents. Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and Karnataka accounted for 15.4%, 10.3% and 10.1% of the road accidents in the country. They also reported the largest number of road accidents each month of the year in 2012. Delhi reported the most number of road accidents among the Union Territories. In fact, its road accidents figure in 2012 stands above those of 14 States.

The rate of accidental deaths per thousand vehicles in 2012 was the highest in Bihar and West Bengal at 1.9 each, followed by Himachal Pradesh with 1.8, Andhra Pradesh 1.5 and Jammu & Kashmir 1.5, compared to 1.0 at the national level. The rate of deaths per 100 cases of accidents was the highest in Nagaland (133.3), followed by Punjab (75.8) and Mizoram (70.0), compared to 31.6 at the national level.

The number of road accidents in 2012 showed only a marginal decrease of 0.02 per cent compared to 2011. In 2011, there were 4,40,123 road accidents. Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra accounted for 11.6%, 10.9%, 10.8% and 10.0% of the deaths in road accidents in 2012.

Most of the accidents (73,672 cases or 16.7 per cent) took place between 3 p.m. and 6 p.m. Between 6 p.m. and 9 p.m., there were 73,070 cases (16.6 per cent). Roads were comparatively safer between 12 midnight and 3 a.m., when there were only 29,483 cases (6.3 per cent). The statistics also show that the largest number of accidents (38,920) took place in the month of May last year.

Related Links:-

National Crime Records Bureau: 2011-12

More than one-third Ministers in union cabinet are from South

After the latest reshuffle, the South has much to cheer about — 31 of the 77 Ministers (excluding Prime Minister) in the Union Cabinet are from the region.

Of them, 13 belonged to Andhra Pradesh, eight from Kerala, five from Karnataka, four from Tamil Nadu and one from Puducherry. While A.P. has the highest number of five Cabinet Ministers, Karnataka has four and T.N. and Kerala have two each.

In the poll-bound Andhra Pradesh, every fourth MP of the Congress, either elected to the Lok Sabha or the Rajya Sabha, is now a Union Minister. The State tops the list of getting the highest number of 13 Ministers in the council.

In Karnataka, where the Congress had recently won the Assembly polls, every second MP belonging to the party is a Minister now with five of the 10 MPs (seven from the Lok Sabha and three from the Rajya Sabha) being in the Cabinet.

The luck for the Congress MPs from Tamil Nadu is also not bad as every third Congress MP from the State is a Minister. Of course, this has come at the cost of the DMK, which quit the UPA-II government on the Sri Lankan issue a few months ago. Of the Congress MPs, two are already holding the Cabinet rank.

Given the fluid situation in Andhra Pradesh — with Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy set to pose great challenges to the Congress in the Assembly/Lok Sabha polls from the Seemandhra region and the Telangana Rashtra Samithi issuing threats in the problematic Telangana region — as many as 13 out of 44 Congress MPs (31 in the Lok Sabha and 13 in the Rajya Sabha) have been made Ministers. Of them five — S. Jaipal Reddy, Kishore Chandra Deo, M.M. Pallam Raju, K.S. Rao and Jairam Ramesh (elected from A.P. to the Rajya Sabha) — are Cabinet Ministers. While actor-politician K. Chiranjeevi is already enjoying the Minister of State with independent charge status, there are seven MoS: D. Purandeswari, Panabaka Lakshmi, Sarvey Satyanarayana, K. Surya Prakash Reddy, P. Balram Naik, Killi Krupa Rani and J.D. Seelam. While Mr. Jaipal Reddy, Mr. Satyanarayana and Mr. Naik are from the Telangana region, Mr. Surya Prakash Reddy represents Rayalaseema and the remaining are from Coastal Andhra Pradesh.

With the Seemandhra region getting more representation in the Union Council, sources said the balancing act made by the Congress high command might help it to arrest the exodus to the YSR Party prior to the polls. It may be noted that Mr. K.S. Rao had submitted his resignation to the high command when he failed to a find place in the Cabinet during the previous reshuffle.

In Tamil Nadu, the Congress has only 12 MPs (eight in the Lok Sabha and four in the Rajya Sabha — one is retiring next month). Of them, four are enjoying berths in the Cabinet — P. Chidambaram, G.K. Vasan, Jayanthi Natarajan and E.M. Sudarsana Natchiappan.

In Karnataka, the victory of the Congress in the recent Assembly poll has brought favours to the State leaders with Mallikarjun Kharge getting the plum Railway portfolio and Oscar Fernandes being inducted as another Cabinet minister. M. Veerappa Moily and K. Rahman Khan are the other Cabinet ministers. From Karnataka, the Congress has seven members in the Lok Sabha and three in the Rajya Sabha and five of them, including K.H. Muniyappa, are already inducted into the Cabinet.

As the Congress prepares for the 16th Lok Sabha poll, indications are that it is depending too much on the southern States. Kerala is not lagging behind as seven of its MPs are in the Cabinet. Besides, one berth has been given to its ally, the Muslim League (E. Ahamed). While A.K. Antony and Vayalar Ravi are enjoying the Cabinet rank, K.V. Thomas is the MoS with independent charge. Mullapally Ramachandran, K.C. Venugopal, E. Ahamed, Shashi Tharoor and K. Suresh are the MoS.

In Kerala, there are 13 Lok Sabha and three Rajya Sabha members from the Congress. The Kerala Congress (Mani) group has one member in both the Houses and the IUML has two members in the Lower House. Both the IUML and the KC(M) are the allies of the party in Kerala.

Puducherry is represented by MoS V. Narayanasamy.

 Related Links:-

Union Cabinet reshuffle: 85yr old gets Labour & Employment portfolio

2 new major ports in India

Giving a push to infrastructure development, the government, approved a proposal to set up two major ports in West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh at an investment of about Rs.15,820 crore. The new port in West Bengal, which will have a capacity of 54 million tonnes per annum (mtpa), requires an investment of around Rs.7,820 crore. The other new port in Andhra Pradesh, whose projected capacity is around 50 mtpa, would entail an investment of about Rs.8,000 crore.

The new ports will be notified as major ports under the Indian Ports Act, 1908. Major ports come under the Central Government, while minor ports are operated by State governments as well as by the private sector.

The move to set up new ports comes after several years. The need for a port at Sagar in West Bengal was felt as the existing ports at Kolkata and Haldia were facing capacity constraints. The location for port in Andhra Pradesh has not yet been finalised, and the State Government has identified three locations — Nakkapalli in Visakhapatnam, Ramayyapatnam in Prakasam and Dugarajapatnam in Nellore. The new major ports are likely to be set up on public-private partnership (PPP) mode, and will cater to increased imports of coal and oil besides boosting the local economy and generating jobs.

There are at present 12 major ports —

(i)                Kolkata-Halida

(ii)             Paradip

(iii)           Visakhapatnam

(iv)           Ennore

(v)              Chennai

(vi)           V O Chidambaranar (formerly Tuticorin)

(vii)         Kochi

(viii)      New Mangalore

(ix)           Mormugao

(x)              Mumbai

(xi)           Jawaharlal Nehru (JNPT) and

(xii)         Kandla

The great ally bazaar - Indian politics

On March 19, soon after DMK withdrew support to the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Government, Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) chief Sharad Pawar sent a brief message via a set of emissaries to his friends in the Opposition: "I want to become prime minister for at least six months." The message was conveyed to Nitin Gadkari and Narendra Modi in BJP, to Biju Janata Dal (BJD) chief Naveen Patnaik, AIADMK chief J. Jayalalithaa and Trinamool Congress (TMC) chief Mamata Banerjee. Pawar also discussed the matter with Samajwadi Party (SP) chief Mulayam Singh Yadav when the latter called on him for breakfast on March 20 at his 6, Janpath home in New Delhi.

It had not taken long for UPA's instability to fan ambition. NCP has only nine MPs in the Lok Sabha. That hasn't dissuaded the ailing Pawar from giving the top job a long shot. He needs the support of 263 additional MPs to become prime minister. Put together, all the parties he reached out to, beginning on March 19, add up to around 180 MPs.

The task for the Congress to remain in majority until the next General Elections scheduled for April-May 2014 is a lot easier. After the withdrawal of DMK, UPA is 38 seats short of a majority in the Lok Sabha. It can make up the numbers with the outside support of SP and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which have 22 and 21 MPs respectively. However, the mercurial Mulayam has wasted no time in serving notice to the Congress. For now, the SP chief says he is not withdrawing support but insists elections will be held early, probably in November 2013. His fickleness has forced the Congress, which has 203 seats of its own, to seek insurance. The ally bazaar is open for business.

The desperate search for allies is not restricted to the remaining term of the current Lok Sabha alone. The fact is that the best-stitched coalition will form a government in the next Lok Sabha. BJP knows it cannot form a government without an expanded NDA; it still remembers its lesson from the debacle of 2009. When shorn of allies, it won just 116 seats. However, the deeply polarising figure of Narendra Modi stands between BJP and an expanded NDA.

The Congress may be running out of allies in 2013, but if BJP were to name Modi its prime ministerial candidate, the Congress will call on 'secular' parties to join UPA to defeat him. In Modi, the Congress sees opportunity. Of course, hardly any potential ally of either of the two national parties is in any hurry to commit to a pre-poll alliance. A pre-poll alliance requires seat adjustment. For now, smaller parties which have a strong presence in a particular state want to maximise their own numbers in order to be in a better bargaining position for a post-poll alliance.

That also includes newcomers like B.S. Yeddyurappa in Karnataka, the former BJP chief minister who has now formed his own party and is set to challenge his former party in both the Assembly elections in May and the Lok Sabha elections later. There is also the tantalising prospect, for smaller parties, of a Third Front government- should both Congress and BJP fail to muster up impressive tallies. That is what will ultimately force Pawar, Mulayam and their many compatriots in other non-national parties to keep the ally bazaar open for operation until after the next General Elections.

Here's the look at important political parties which are important in deciding who to sit in Delhi?

  

SAMAJWADI PARTY: Current LS Seats: 22

Going solo most likely 54 out of the 80 Uttar Pradesh seats have a decisive Muslim population and Mulayam Singh Yadav’s eyes are firmly set onbeing PM. If he gets more than 30 seas, he becomes kingmaker. If he gets more than 40 seats, he becomes king. If he gets less than 30, he is not significant

Alliance with Congress: Possible but unlikely 19% Muslim vote in UP will go to Congress and SP. But Mulayam will be concerned about dual anti-incumbency; Of his own state government and for UPA

Alliance with BJP: Unlikely Any pre-poll or post-poll alliance will destroy the respective support bases of both SP and BJP, whether or not the latter is led by Narendra Modi.

State: Uttar Pradesh

  

TRINAMOOL CONGRESS: Current LS Seats: 19

Going solo Highly Possible West Bengal may again vote for TMC to keep CPI (M) out. Banerjee will be a ‘queenmaker’ if she gets more than 20 seats. If TMC wins 30 sears, she will decide who forms the government.

Alliance with Congress: Possible but unlikely Muslims, who form 25% of the voters in West Bengal, will approve of the alliance. Only problem is that she has burnt bridges for the moment.

Alliance with BJP led by Modi: Unlikely She cannot afford to alienate Muslims, decisive in 24 of the 42 LS seats.

Alliance with BJP without Modi: Likely Only possible post-poll. Pre-poll alliance will backfire, and is not needed.

State: West Bengal

  

BAHUJAN SAMAJ PARTY: Current LS Seats: 21

Going solo very likely 60 out of the 80 seats in Uttar Pradesh have a decisive Muslim-Dalit combination, which is Mayawati’s core constituency. She has targeted 40seats in UP and is in a serious contest in 40 seats outside the state as well.

Alliance with Congress: Only possible post-poll Mayawati doesn’t ant to confuse her core constituency of 22% Dalits in UP. If Congress needs supports; she’ll oblige but not before her CBI cases are rested.

Alliance with BJP: Unlikely unless it supports her bid to be PM she has a winning chance in UP only if she gets support of Brahmins and Muslims. She will be happy to take BJP support if she gets chance to be PM

State: Uttar Pradesh

DMK: Current LS Seats: 18

Going solo quite likely They would like to win against AIADMK and be part of any government at the Centre. Going with the Congress might not yield a more effective number, but it might ensure less of a division of opposition votes

Alliance with Congress: Possible AIADMK, not Congress, is its main rival in Tamil Nadu

Alliance with BJP: Possible but unlikely Only 6% of the electorate in Tamil Nadu is Muslim. DMK has been in ND before UPA but the overt warmth between Narendra Modi and Jayalalithaa is likely to keep them away

State: Tamil Nadu

AIADMK: Current LS Seats: 09

Going solo Highly possible Given a chance, Jayalalithaa would like to sweep the state on her own, raising her tally from the current nine out of 39 seats, and then set for Delhi as the ‘queenmaker’. Her party may very well become the third largest in Parliament.

Alliance with Congress: Improbable Jayalalithaa wouldn’t want to be affected by anti-incumbency against UPA and the government’s stand on the Lankan Tamils issue.

Alliance with BJP: Possible and likely She doesn’t need them electorally but may tie up with them post-poll

State: Tamil Nadu

JANATA DAL (UNITED): Current LS Seats: 20

Going solo possible but unlikely Though Nitish would like to win 20-odd seats from Bihar and become PM candidate, it is unlikely that he can without BJP support.

Alliance with Congress: Improbable and unlikely JD(U) contests the elections against Lal Yadav and the Congress in Bihar. It cannot sup with the enemy.

Alliance with BJP plus Modi: Improbable In a state where 17% of the electorate is Muslim. JD(U) has carved a niche in this vote bank even after being in alliance with BJP. It needs to retain this especially if Nitish wants to be projected a s a potential PM

Alliance with BJP without Modi: Likely Either pre-poll or post-poll tie-up is fine. JD(U)’s combined vote bank with BJP has a lead over RJD and the Congress

State: Bihar

   

YSR COngress: Current LS Seats: 02

Going solo Quite likely It would do well in 25 seas in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema, but may struggle in 17 Telangana seats

Alliance with Congress: Possible Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy is contesting the elections against the Congress in Andhra Pradesh, and the Reddy vote bank feels betrayed by the ruling party. Post-poll, if he decides to tie up with the Congress, it will be only due to CBI pressure.

Alliance with BJP: Possible Approximately 10% of the electorate is Muslim, but not in the region where YSR Congress is the frontrunner. Even Christian voters who don’t support BJP are in aminority

State: Andhra Pradesh

  

BIJU JANATA DAL: Current LS Seats: 14

Going solo very likely The party would like to win against the Congress and be part of a non-Congress government at the Centre.

Alliance with Congress: Unlikely Congress is BJD’s chief rival in Odisha

Alliance with BJP: Quite Possible As only2% of the electorate is Muslim in Odisha. BJD has no obligation to be secular, so Modi’s leadership doesn’t matter. A pre-poll or post-poll tie-up delivers a combined vote bank with a huge lead over Congress

State: Odisha

GI tags

The trademarks and geographical indication (GI) authorities awarded the unique tag to 21 products after a spurt in applications for the special status in the first three months of the year.

The six Tamil Nadu items granted the tag are Madurai malli (jasmine), Pattamadai pai (mat), Nachiarkoil kuthuvilakku (lamp), Toda embroidery, Thanjavur veena and Chettinad kottan (palmyra basketry).

Traditional items from outside the state accorded the status include Mangalagiri saris and fabrics from Andhra Pradesh, Narayanpet handloom saris and Bangalore blue grapes from Karnataka and Agra durrie (carpet), Farrukhabad prints,Lucknow zardozi (embroidery, especially with gold or silver), and shuttlewoven Banaras brocades and saris from Uttar Pradesh. Mexican alcoholic beverage tequila was also accorded the status on an application in the Chennai GI office.

Karnataka, with 32, tops the list for products granted the GI tag so far and is followed by Tamil Nadu (24), Andhra Pradesh (22) and Kerala (20).

Related links:

GI tag for Nachiarkoil Lamps....