If Lok Sabha elections were
held today, the BJP would create history by reaching a never before total. The
India Today Group-CVoter Mood of the Nation Poll shows that the BJP could
get up to 188 seats, and the NDA close to 220.
The Congress faces a meltdown.
Keeping in mind that the poll was conducted before the AAP's 'anarchy' dharna
in the Capital (between December 16 and January 16), it is projected to eat
into the urban vote of both national parties. The Congress will be hit hardest
in three-way fights. Even where it's a direct BJP-Congress battle or a Congress
versus non-BJP, non-AAP fight, the Grand Old Party (GOP) faces a rout.
- The BJP is emerging as undisputed single largest
party in India,
crossing their previous best of 182 seats in 1999. In terms of vote share, it
might just cross the psychologically important 30 per cent vote mark which has
eluded the BJP all along. The real swing for the BJP is coming from the
Hindi heartland, especially in the states where the contest is primarily
bipolar between the Congress and the BJP. In states like Gujarat, Rajasthan,
Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Goa
and Jharkhand the Congress meltdown is complete. Same is the case where a
direct contest of UPA/NDA is on cards, including Maharashtra and Punjab. The face-savers for the Congress are just the two
states of Karnataka and Assam.
- While the AAP effect seems to have given jitters to
the BJP campaign in urban areas, the real side effect of the AAP could be a
complete meltdown of the Congress. The GOP of India is staring at its worst
ever defeat in electoral history and the probability of its tally getting below
100 is very high at the moment. As mentioned in the Congress vs BJP states, a
similar meltdown is on cards even in the states where the BJP is nonexistent
and a third option is the main contestant to the Congress. So in states like Odisha,
Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, West Bengal, Jammu &
Kashmir and Tamil Nadu the Congress is heading for a complete rout. The
regional parties like the TMC, BJD, AIADMK, YSRCP, TRS and TDP apart from the
Left Front are expected to gain big time at the expense of the Congress.
- In the battleground states of UP and Bihar, the headline is the emergence of the BJP and
Narendra Modi after a gap of 15 years. Both these battleground states are going
to witness a multi-cornered contest and the division of votes might result in a
weird proportion of seats won with lesser number of votes polled. While
Akhilesh Yadav and Nitish Kumar are putting up a brave face against all odds, chances
are that the BJP rising might result in an equal upswing for Mayawati and Lalu
Prasad in these states. In more than one way the states of UP and Bihar might eventually decide the race to 7 RCR.
- If elections are held today, on its current form
the NDA will be about 60 seats short of the magic figure of 272. But if the
Modi juggernaut sweeps the critical states of UP and Bihar, then this
requirement might drastically drop to just about 30 seats, which is easy to
cobble up as there will be many parties open and willing to join the Modi
bandwagon. But if the pro-Modi sentiment gets entangled in the multi-cornered
contest of UP and Bihar and doesn't yield
enough result, then the regional players will become big time kingmakers, or
may be king themselves.
- This might result in Mayawati, Mamata Banerjee, Jayalalithaa,
Naveen Patnaik, K. Chandrasekhar Rao and Jagan Reddy as the probable kingmakers
as they will be controlling about 125 MPs between them. Of these, barring
Naveen, everyone else is open to doing business with the Congress as well. So, the
ambition of becoming the PM might not be a bad thing to start with. Keep an eye
on Mayawati as she might get back with enough number as the third largest
political party in India
and if nothing works out, then she could be the compromise candidate in any
form of combination.
-The BJP is gaining big time in UP and Bihar, and if this trend continues, then the BJP crossing
200 might be a possibility. In that case, Modi will need just one or two of
these regional parties to cross the line. But in case the current projection go
down, largely because of upswing of the AAP and a split in urban middle class
votes, then the allies might come with all sort of terms and conditions. This
might not augur well for Modi. With 180 plus seats the BJP could still dictate
its own PM candidate, but insisting on Modi might not be pragmatic. In such a
scenario the other faces within the BJP could get a chance, those who are seen "milder"
and acceptable to the regional allies. The natural names to prop up are Sushma
Swaraj and Arun Jaitley. But the real dark horse in the race is Rajnath Singh, simply
because he might be acceptable to all allies and most importantly, he carries
the approval stamp of Nagpur.
- The AAP national vote share is coming out 8 per
cent at the moment. This will fetch about 10 seats. It might replace the BSP
and the CPI(M) as the third largest political party in India in terms
of vote share. Their vote share will consist of largely three components. First
part is the BSP votes outside Uttar Pradesh. The maximum impact of the AAP is
in the NCR region and adjoining states of Delhi,
including Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand
and Jammu & Kashmir apart from the Union Territory of Chandigarh. These are
pre-cisely the areas where the BSP has scored votes big time over the last 20
odd years.
- The second component of the AAP votes is the urban
middle class voters who are primarily anti-Congress. These voters will increase
the cumulative vote share of the AAP in urban seats across India. The
third component is the nonpolitical passive voter, which might go out to vote
and increase the turnout and share of the AAP at large.
- Other than these areas, the AAP is not getting big
time support in the rest of India,
especially in rural areas at the moment. However, even with just an additional 5
per cent national swing, they can cross 30 seats in Parliament and unsettle the
probable equations. However, it must be kept in mind that it's never the spread
of the votes but the strategic concentration of votes which make you win the
seats. The BJP in 1984 got approximately 8 per cent votes but ended up with
just 2 seats. It was the strategic concentration and adjustment in 1989 which
resulted in mere 9 per cent votes but an impressive 84 seats in Parliament. Similarly,
the BSP became the third largest political party in India years back in terms of vote
share. But it is the inability to concentrate which made it impossible for them
to win seats outside Uttar Pradesh. In other words, the AAP phenomenon is
largely like the BSP phenomenon. Like the BSP is concentrated in Uttar Pradesh,
the AAP will be concentrated in Delhi
and the adjoining NCR seats. Outside this "ground zero" they will
gain votes like the BSP has been doing in the last 20 years but the number of
such votes will not cross the "threshold" to convert into seats big
time.
- If the upswing for the AAP, however, continues to
gather momentum across middle class and urban areas and this manages additional
national swing of 10 per cent votes, it might very well take them within
striking distance of eclipsing the Congress. This has more to do with the
Congress meltdown in terms of seats across India. However; this certainly is a
herculean task given the fact that the AAP wave is largely a middleclass and
urban phenomenon, that too mostly in adjoining regions of Delhi NCR. On the
other hand, regardless of the downswing across India, the worst ever the Congress
fared in terms of vote share still remains approximately 20 per cent. This is
its core support base. Almost every fifth Indian will still vote for the
Congress in its worst possible hour. This is an extremely important finding
because to bounce back in future, this is the core support base that any party
counts on. From that perspective, the task of Rahul Gandhi to revive the
Congress from scratch seems not that difficult. The seats tally might look
depressing for the Congress, but it's in the votes that the future of the party
is to be seen. As they say one week is a long time in politics, and we are
still 12 weeks away from the polls.